Introduction
The
period between 6,500 BC and 5,000 BC saw the transition from Hunter-Gatherers
to Early
Food Producers in the Indus Valley. This era is represented at
Mehrgarh, a Neolithic- Chalcolithic site located on the Bolan piedmont in
Balochistan. It is characterised by domestication of plants including wheat,
barley and lentils, and animals including cattle, goats and sheep. The site
offers evidence of grain storage rooms within mud-brick houses, implying
surplus grain production that could be consumed off-season, and during seasonal
drought or flooding caused by hill torrents in rainy season. Surplus production
also offered the possibility of barter in exchange for items like ornaments
made of sea shells and colourful stones, evidently obtained from distant
sources. The nature of early trading was mostly restricted to high value
commodities for the well-to-do, which also stirred social stratification,
something that was lacking amongst hunter-gatherers and pastoral nomads of the
past. Trade, thus, came to be an early by-product of an emerging agrarian
society.
The Early
Harappan Phase between 5,000 BC and 2,600 BC saw developments in
ceramics including wheel-turned pottery, copper metallurgy, seal carving, and
the rudiments of writing. A most important technological development during
this phase was invention of the wheel, circa 3,500 BC, purportedly in
Mesopotamia. Unlike pannier-laden beasts of burden, or basket-bearing labourers
of the past, wheeled vehicles allowed greater distances to be traversed in much
shorter times. In the Indus Valley and its peripheral areas, two-wheeled
bullock carts came into vogue, allowing larger volumes of goods to be
transported to and from distant areas more efficiently. Different settlements
were now linked by well-established trade networks along trodden pathways, as
well as rivers, to facilitate the movement of goods and raw materials. Some of
these raw materials that defined status and power, like gold, silver, marine
shells and gemstones were available exclusively in certain regions, resulting
in robust competition to obtain them. New settlements sprang up to exploit, as
well as control and protect the newly discovered resource areas. Trade and
communication networks, along with a diverse agrarian subsistence base that
could feed cities securely, became the keys to regional connectivity or
‘regionalisation’. This phase evolved into what Kenoyer terms as ‘formative
urbanism.’
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The
period between 2,600 BC and 1,900 BC, also known as the Mature
Harappan Phase, saw
complete integration of regional cultures of the Greater Indus Valley and its
urban centres. Five of these major centres can be classified as city-states
based on their size, extent of civic development, and the economic and
political power they projected in the region at large. These states included
Mohenjo-daro (250 ha), Harappa (150 ha) and Ganweriwala (80 ha) in Pakistan,
and Dholavira (100 ha) and Rakhigarhi (80 ha) in India. These city-states were
largely independent, and each held sway over substantial contiguous territory.
Absence of palaces and tombs for any royalty seems to suggest that a small
group of elites including merchants, landowners and priests, collectively ruled
each city-state. During the mature phase, these states remained at the
forefront of Greater Indus Valley. This phase is characterised by large
pre-planned cities and their peripheral settlements, use of kiln-fired bricks
for buildings, walled locales with gated communities, numerous water wells, and
fastidious attention to sanitation. Tools of trade were astutely standardised
across the region for ease of business. These included uniform weights and measures,
and an effective system of trade control and taxation that was implemented by local governments or guilds, with the help of seals and tablets (hitherto undeciphered).
Trade in this phase extended to the Gulf and Mesopotamia in sail boats that
hugged the coast, and made use of monsoon winds and seasonal currents.
Bountiful agricultural produce – coupled with no known evidence of standing
armies and warfare – spawned widespread prosperity amongst the population. The
result was a peaceful and fairly egalitarian society that lasted seven
centuries and beyond.
Nature of Trade – An Overview
Trading
in the Indus Valley was of two distinct and diverse types: local and distant.
Village-to-town (or farm-to-market) local trade dealt with commodities consumed
on a day-to-day basis, and included edibles like grain, lentils, vegetables,
fruits, meat, dairy products and condiments. Cotton, a staple product of the
Indus Valley, was another important article of regular trade. A large market
size, secure communication networks, and dependable means of road and fluvial
transportation system, ensured that subsistence needs of the majority population
were adequately met through local trade.
The
second type of trade pertained to material goods that define status and power,
and involved imports from distant resource areas because of the relative rarity
of these commodities in the Indus Valley. The elite of the Indus city-states
were wealthy enough to afford exotic items like: (i) jewellery crafted from
gold, silver, gemstones and marine shell; (ii) durable utensils and other
sundry implements manufactured from copper, and the more robust bronze; (iii)
figurines and amulets, carved from steatite (soapstone). Crafting of these
imported raw materials was done in local workshops. This arrangement kept the
costs low, and also allowed the customers to place orders in step with designs
and styles prevalent in the Indus Valley.
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| Table-1 |
As
Table-1 indicates, trade with peripheral resource regions was wide-ranging, and
could be easily conducted overland, with bullock carts as the principal means
of transportation. Flat-bottomed, high-prowed river boats were also used for
transporting goods, where feasible. Way stations for victuals and resting of
men and beasts must have been pre-arranged at towns and villages enroute. For
security reasons, movement along the roads and riverine tracts would have been
in well-guarded convoys. Most of these organisational and logistical issues
were better taken care of when a trading outpost was eventually established at
Shortughai (Afghanistan) around 2000 BC. The outpost ensured efficient extraction
of lapis lazuli and tin from nearby mines, and arranged for their prompt transportation
to the major centres of Indus Valley, where these were much in demand.
The
main technical constraint to long distance trade was the limited capacity, and slow
speed of inland transportation. This resulted in a shift of focus on to
maritime trade, despite the risk factors like unreliable navigation and piracy
at sea.
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| Table-2 |
It
can be seen from Table-2 that maritime trade extended to the Gulf and beyond. Oman
(Magan) was an additional source of copper, as well as marine shell. Bahrain (Dilmun)
was a supplier of mother-of-pearl used in high-end jewellery. Imports from Mesopotamia
(Sumer and Akkad) mostly included agricultural products like dates, incense and
olive oil, that were either scarce or not available at all in the Indus Valley.
Intriguing
as it is, Sumerians and Akkadians did not send their trading ships to the ports
of Indus Valley, which was known to them as ‘Meluhha’ Country. Operating out of
small harbours along the Makran Coast, it was the Meluhha ships that navigated
all the way to the Tigris-Euphrates delta.
Alluding
to the trade networks, a cuneiform inscription attributed to the founder of the
Akkadian Empire (2334-2154 BC), King Sargon of Akkad, proudly proclaims: “He made
the ships from Meluhha, the ships from Magan, (and) the ships from Dilmun tie
up alongside the quay of Agade.”
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| Table-3 |
A
cursory glance at Table-3 shows that exports to Sumer and Akkad mainly included
items that were not available in Mesopotamia. Carnelian, lapis lazuli, ivory, and
marine shell were much sought after for jewellery by the well-to-do people. Rosewood
and Himalayan Cedar was used in quality furniture, as well as construction material
in temples. Indus cotton textiles were so popular that a colony of weavers from
the Indus Valley was especially established in the town of Guabba (near Lagash)
around 2112 BC.
There
are a few references to some Indus animals, including the long-horned water buffalo
depicted on a cylindrical seal. Peacocks are depicted on pottery, and may be
identified with the enigmatic ‘haia birds’ mentioned in a few inscriptions.
These animals and birds may also have been part of regular trade with the Indus
Valley. Indus-Mesopotamian trade lasted during the Mature Harappan Phase,
peaking out during the reign of Sargon of Akkad.
Problems of Overseas Trade
It
is a marvel of human ingenuity that overseas trade could be conducted over vast
distances, four millennia ago. One has to imagine the coordination required for
transporting goods, firstly overland from an Indus city to a port on the
Arabian Sea coast, and then overseas on coast-hugging sailing ships bound for
Mesopotamian ports – a total of 3,500 km from Harappa to Ur, for instance.
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Fig-1
|
Arriving
at a port, the convoy of bullock carts, loaded with costly merchandise for export,
would have to wait for a ship which might not be readily available. Setting up
a temporary camp, guarding the goods, arranging food for men and fodder for beasts,
and enduring the merciless Makran sun, were some of the challenges that had to
be met. Similar problems were faced when imported goods arriving by ship had to
be transported on bullock carts for further travel inland. The difficulties
were further compounded by greedy middlemen at the ports, who got their chance
to make immoderate profits while provisioning for the weary Indus teams waiting
for the ships or their bullock carts.
A
permanent trading outpost, at or near the port, was just the facility that
could take care of most of the mentioned problems. It could serve the purpose
of a caravanserai, a freight-forwarder’s office, and a warehouse. Besides the
workers in periodic transit, personnel posted for longer durations could be
housed in fairly tolerable conditions. As would be expected, such trading posts
had no place for resident families, who would only have added to the
difficulties.
Soon
after overseas trade started, the need for a trading outpost on the Makran coast
must have been felt. In fact, there were two such posts (Sokhta Koh and
Sutkagen Dor) 150 km apart as the tern flies. Whether both these posts were
established by either Harappa or Mohenjo-daro, or one each by both – perhaps in
mutual competition – remains moot due to lack of comprehensive excavations at
these coastal sites. There is also the possibility of the earlier one having been
abandoned due to excessive coastal recession, tectonic uplift or a catastrophic
earthquake, and a new post was established thereafter.
Makran Coast Environment
Located
between the Strait of Hormuz and the Indus Delta, the Makran Subduction Zone
runs east-west for 900 km. At the margin of the plate, rapid surface uplift of up
to 2 cm per year is experienced (Mason et al, 2007; Frohling and Szeliga,
2016), which is linked to subduction of the oceanic portion of the Arabian
Plate beneath the Eurasian Plate (Fig-2).
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Fig-2
|
The
coastal morphology of the Makran coast is determined by the interaction between
plate tectonics, differential soil erosion between hard and soft rock, and coastal
sedimentation which permits accumulation of extensive sand deposits. The
general topography of Makran coast is marked by the Makran Coastal Range which runs
east-west for about 400 km, rising to 2,100 meters at places. The present distance
of the hill range from the coast varies from 0-20 km. In these regions, the coast
has receded seaward by several kilometres over the last millennium at the rates
of up to 5 meters per year (Gharibreza, 2016; Normand et al, 2019). This rate
indicates that the coast must have been about 22 km inland, 4,500 years ago. These
results emphasise vigorous sediment activity along the Makran Coast.
The
Makran region presently has an arid climate with a low yearly mean precipitation
of 97-127 mm at the coastline (Sanlaville et al, 1991). Rainfall occurs mainly
in winter and can be intense, inducing flooding in the coastal plains. In western
Makran, waves and wind come mainly from SSE, with significant wave heights of
1-3 meters (Etemad-Shahidi, and Saket, 2012). The climatic cycle in place today
is probably not much different from that experienced by Indus cities (Kenoyer, 1998).
Sokhta Koh – A Faraway Outpost
Sokhta
Koh (‘Burnt Hill’) is an outcrop of jagged, stratified hills in the Shadi Kaur (river)
valley. It is located 17 km north of the coastal town of Pasni (Fig-3). The
site was first surveyed by George Dales and his team including Cuyler Young, Rafique
Mughal and Barbara Dales in 1960, while performing a survey of ancient coastal sites
of Makran. Due to inhospitable conditions, only a day-long investigation could
be conducted by the team. Limited excavations were conducted by a
Franco-Italian team led by Roland Besenval and Valeria Piacentini, in 1987-88.
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Fig-3. Shadi Kaur traverses 17 km from Sokhta Koh before discharging in the Arabian Sea near Pasni. The river estuary was much further inland four millenia ago.
|
I was successful in finding the site after several abortive attempts, and between
1994 and 2004, had the opportunity to visit it several times. These visits were
limited to topographic surveys of the site, as well as photography of visible
foundations of buildings, compound walls, and potsherds scattered by tens of
thousands all over the place. The following account of Sokhta Koh is based on
my personal observations.
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| Fig-4. The heart-shaped feature in the centre of the picture is known as Sokhta Koh. It is criss-crossed by several rain water channels. |
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| Fig-5. Dimensions of Sokhta Koh |
Sokhta
Koh is surrounded by low hills of the Makran Coastal Range, while Shadi Kaur
fed by seasonal hill torrents, grazes the site. Availability of fresh water –
though limited during dry season – was perhaps an important reason for
selection of the site. Location on high ground was another vital consideration
as it offered protection against flooding during the short rainy season.
Lastly, siting the post atop hillocks provided early warning against any intruders
in the wilderness of Makran.
Buildings and Structures
The
hillocks at the site are three kilometers in circuit, and the habitable
remnants of the settlement towards the east occupy an area of about 17 hectares
(Fig-5). The settlement is difficult to appreciate from the ground since no
structures stand out in relief. The highest point on the hillocks rises to 35
m.
There
is lack of evidence of an all-round walled fortification, although traces of a portion
of a wall are visible; this may have been a compound wall defining functional or
social spaces in a portion of the settlement (Fig-6).
In
the absence of detailed excavations, little can be said about the architecture
and buildings. However, as many as five dispersed clusters of the remnants of buildings
are visible (Fig-7). A rough count of the visible foundations reveals that the site
had anywhere between 50-70 buildings. Several circular features of about one
meter diameter are visible on top of the ridges. Closer inspection revealed
that these are open-pit ovens buried under rubble.
At
several places, erosion by elements reveals remnants of rooms in which stratified
rock was used as a base, over which mud-brick walls were raised. Absence of
kiln-baked bricks, despite a well-established pottery industry, indicates that
low rainfall may not have been a threat to mud structures.
It
is apparent that the lay of the land does not permit buildings to be constructed
on a grid plan. The foundations indicate that the buildings were aligned along
the cardinal points of the compass.
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| Fig-6. Portion of compound wall running across centre of picture. Note potsherds strewn all over. |
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Fig-7.
Aerial view of Sotka Koh. Up to five dispersed clusters of building remains are
visible. The white patch in the centre is the portion excavated
by a Franco-Italian team in 1987-88. |
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Fig-8.
Notional reconstruction of the site showing seventy-odd buildings. Each
building has been raised on a visible foundation. Several open pit ovens spewing smoke are visible. |
Pottery and Other Artefacts
At
first sight, a visitor cannot fail to notice tens of thousands of potsherds
strewn all over the site. Dozens of open-pit ovens on the ridges seem to
suggest that Sokhta Koh had a well-established pottery-making facility.
Ostensibly, it was a necessity for packaging of goods, considering the role of the
site as a trading post. Fuel to fire these ovens (or kilns) most likely
consisted of shrubbery and cow-dung, as the soil and weather of Makran coastal
region are not conducive to forestation.
Kiln-baked
terra cotta wares include pieces of large jars, pots, lids with knobs, perforated
vessels and plates. The pottery is wheel-turned, with a pink or buff slip. Some
of it has black-painted geometrical shapes including fish-scale and zig-zag patterns,
intersecting circles, and wavy lines. Human and animal motifs are notably absent.
There is evidence of potters’ marks on the rims of some jars. The pottery designs
are of typical Mature Harappan type, and there are no apparent signs of hybridisation
with the contemporaneous Kulli culture of southern Balochistan.
The
complete absence of toys, figurines and jewellery, at least at the uppermost
level, indicates a rather utilitarian environment, though it is also possible
that these items may have been scavenged over the millennia. Further excavation
is bound to reveal at least some elements that might mitigate the seeming
socio-cultural isolation of this Harappan outpost.
During
one survey, a small heart-shaped copper fragment, blued due to oxidation, was
found in the surface debris. A photograph of the same was shown to Kenoyer who
confirmed it as part of a square copper seal, having concentric circles in each
of its four quarters (Fig-9). It was without any accompanying script, and was
probably worn as an amulet.
Location of Harbour
The
close vicinity of Shadi Kaur to the site leads one to assume that the harbour
may have been at Sokhta Koh itself. Laden vessels could possibly navigate the
river, which was wide and deep enough during the rainy season, and perhaps a
few months beyond. Width and depth notwithstanding, the river meanders through
perilous rock formations during its passage to the sea. A question mark thus
remains about safety of navigation. Existence of ancient ruins of a small
settlement known as Prahag (Fig-3), about 12 km downstream of Sokhta Koh, provides
a clue. This site is strewn with potsherds similar to the ones at Sokhta Koh. It
can be conjectured that this was a fishing village before the trading outpost
was established at Sokhta Koh, and may well have been repurposed as a suitable harbour
catering to maritime trade. Prahag may also have served as a repair and victualing
facility for ships sailing from Lothal (in Indian Gujarat), on their way to and
from the Gulf, and beyond.
Discussion
In
the absence of dedicated excavations, definite conclusions cannot be made, despite
the cursory similarities of Sokhta Koh to most of the inland Harappan sites.
Future investigations could focus on answering the following questions:
(a)
What was the purpose of having two coastal trading posts (Sutkagen Dor and Sokhta
Koh) within 150 km of each other? Was one of the sites abandoned for some
reason like an earthquake, and a second one commissioned later?
(b)
Was the harbour located at Sokhta Koh, or was it further downstream at Prahag
where there is some evidence of a small ancient settlement?
(c)
Was there any hybridisation between Harappan and local culture in terms of
dress, pottery, figurines, etc?
(d)
What was the design of sea-going vessels? Maritime-themed images (if any) on
seals and pottery could provide some clues.
(e)
Was Sokhta Koh a non-family station? Discovery of toys and women’s jewellery
could resolve this matter.
(f)
Did the Harappan settlers co-exist peacefully with locals, or there is evidence
of conflict between the two communities?
Site Protection and Conservation
Presently
Sokhta Koh is not listed as a protected site by the Balochistan Department of
Archaeology and Museums. It is located on lands held by the head of Kalmati
tribe, and any change of ownership would involve a lengthy legal process, though
it is understood that the head of the Kalmati tribe is amenable to any such adjustment.
In the absence of any protective cover, the site is subject to irreparable
harm. As an instance, a tall high-voltage electricity transmission tower has recently
been erected in the middle of the site, involving extensive and careless digging.
In another case, villagers from the nearby settlement of Sindi Passo moved on to
the hillocks to avoid flooding after torrential rains in 2005. The squatters
soon built a dozen or so huts atop the high ground, and now the small colony
has a permanent presence amidst the ancient site. There is, thus, an urgent
need for initiating legal process to bring the site under official purview.
Conclusion
It
can be said with certainty that any study of economic and cultural contacts
between Harappan and Mesopotamian Civilisations would be incomplete without
inclusion of coastal trading outposts like Sokhta Koh. Excavations are bound to
reveal novel artefacts that have a connection with maritime trade. These
excavations can also help determine the modus operandi for effective control
and supervision of thriving trade, from faraway city-states like Harappa and
Mohenjo-daro. It may not be an overstatement that success in Sokhta Koh and
other similar trading enterprises extended the power and influence of the Harappan
polity at large.
____________________
© Kaiser Tufail
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